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What does it say about a candidate who has sup****t from these people

by "d" <aa@[EMAIL PROTECTED] > May 13, 2008 at 11:38 AM

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24588813/


Candidate's foot soldiers encounter name-calling, vandalism, bomb threats

By Kevin Merida

The Wa****ngton Post

updated 2:04 a.m. CT, Tues., May. 13, 2008

WA****NGTON - Danielle Ross was alone in an empty room at the Obama
campaign 
headquarters in Kokomo, Ind., a cellphone in one hand, a voter call list
in 
the other. She was stretched out on the carpeted floor wearing laceless 
sky-blue Converses, stories from the trail on her mind. It was the day 
before Indiana's primary, and she had just been chased by dogs while 
canvassing in a Kokomo suburb. But that was not the worst thing to occur 
since she postponed her sophomore year at Middle Tennessee State
University, 
in part to hopscotch America stumping for Barack Obama.

Here's the worst: In Muncie, a factory town in the east-central part of 
Indiana, Ross and her cohorts were soliciting sup****t for Obama at malls,
on 
street corners and in a Wal-Mart parking lot, and they ran into "a
horrible 
response," as Ross put it, a level of anti-black sentiment that none of
them 
had anticipated.

"The first person I encountered was like, 'I'll never vote for a black 
person,' " recalled Ross, who is white and just turned 20. "People just 
weren't receptive."

For all the hope and excitement Obama's candidacy is generating, some of
his 
field workers, phone-bank volunteers and campaign surrogates are 
encountering a raw racism and hostility that have gone largely unnoticed
--  
and unre****ted -- this election season. Doors have been slammed in their 
faces. They've been called racially derogatory names (including the white 
volunteers). And they've endured malicious rants and ugly stereotyping
from 
people who can't fathom that the senator from Illinois could become the 
first African American president.

The contrast between the large, adoring crowds Obama draws at public
events 
and the gritty street-level work to win votes is stark. The candidate is 
largely insulated from the mean-spiritedness that some of his foot
soldiers 
deal with away from the media spotlight.

Meeting cruel reaction
Victoria Switzer, a retired social studies teacher, was on phone-bank duty

one night during the Pennsylvania primary campaign. One night was all she 
could take: "It wasn't pretty." She made 60 calls to prospective voters in

Susquehanna County, her home county, which is 98 percent white. The 
responses were dispiriting. One caller, Switzer remembers, said he
couldn't 
possibly vote for Obama and concluded: "Hang that darky from a tree!"

Documentary filmmaker Rory Kennedy, the daughter of the late Robert F. 
Kennedy, said she, too, came across "a lot of racism" when campaigning for

Obama in Pennsylvania. One Pittsburgh union organizer told her he would
not 
vote for Obama because he is black, and a white voter, she said, offered 
this frank reason for not backing Obama: "White people look out for white 
people, and black people look out for black people."

Obama campaign officials say such incidents are isolated, that the 
experience of most volunteers and staffers has been overwhelmingly
positive.

The campaign released this statement in response to questions about 
encounters with racism: "After campaigning for 15 months in nearly all 50 
states, Barack Obama and our entire campaign have been nothing but
impressed 
and encouraged by the core decency, kindness, and generosity of Americans 
from all walks of life. The last year has only reinforced Senator Obama's 
view that this country is not as divided as our politics suggest."

Campaign field work can be an exercise in confronting the fears, anxieties

and prejudices of voters. Veterans of the civil rights movement know what 
this feels like, as do those who have been involved in battles over
busing, 
immigration or abortion. But through the Obama campaign, some young people

are having their first experience joining a cause and meeting cruel 
reaction.

On Election Day in Kokomo, a group of black high school students were 
holding up Obama signs along U.S. 31, a major thoroughfare. As drivers 
cruised by, a number of them rolled down their windows and yelled out a 
common racial slur for African Americans, according to Obama campaign 
staffers.

Frederick Murrell, a black Kokomo High School senior, was not there but 
heard what happened. He was more disappointed than surprised. During his
own 
canvassing for Obama, Murrell said, he had "a lot of doors slammed" in his

face. But taunting teenagers on a busy commercial strip in broad daylight?

"I was very shocked at first," Murrell said. "Then again, I wasn't,
because 
we have a lot of racism here."

Vandalism, bomb threats


The bigotry has gone beyond words. In Vincennes, the Obama campaign office

was vandalized at 2 a.m. on the eve of the primary, according to police. A

large plate-glass window was smashed, an American flag stolen. Other
windows 
were spray-painted with references to Obama's controversial former pastor,

the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, and other political messages: "Hamas votes BHO" 
and "We don't cling to guns or religion. Goddamn Wright."

Ray McCormick was notified of the incident at about 2:45 a.m. A farmer and

conservationist, McCormick had erected a giant billboard on a major
highway 
on behalf of Farmers for Obama. He also was housing the Obama campaign 
worker manning the office. When McCormick arrived at the office, about two

hours before he was due out of bed to plant corn, he grabbed his camera
and 
wanted to alert the media. "I thought, this is a big deal." But he was
told 
Obama campaign officials didn't want to make a big deal of the incident. 
McCormick took photos anyway and distributed some.

"The pictures represent what we are breaking through and overcoming," he 
said. As McCormick, who is white, sees it, Obama is succeeding despite
these 
incidents. Later, there would be bomb threats to three Obama campaign 
offices in Indiana, including the one in Vincennes, according to campaign 
sources.

Obama has not spoken much about racism during this campaign. He has sought

to emphasize connections among Americans rather than divisions. He
shrugged 
off safety concerns that led to early Secret Service protection and has
told 
black senior citizens who worry that racists will do him harm: Don't fret.

Earlier in the campaign, a 68-year-old woman in Carson City, Nev., voiced 
concern that the country was not ready to elect an African American 
president.

"Will there be some folks who probably won't vote for me because I am
black? 
Of course," Obama said, "just like there may be somebody who won't vote
for 
Hillary because she's a woman or wouldn't vote for John Edwards because
they 
don't like his accent. But the question is, 'Can we get a majority of the 
American people to give us a fair hearing?' "


Skilled at bridging divides


Obama has won 30 of 50 Democratic contests so far, the kind of nationwide 
electoral triumph no black candidate has ever realized. That he is on the 
brink of capturing the Democratic nomination, some say, is a testament to 
how far the country has progressed in overcoming racism and evidence of 
Obama's skill at bridging divides.

Obama has won five of 12 primaries in which black voters made up less than

10 percent of the electorate, and caucuses in states such as Idaho and 
Wyoming that are overwhelmingly white. But exit polls show he has
struggled 
to attract white voters who didn't attend college and earn less than
$50,000 
a year. Today, he and Hillary Clinton square off in West Virginia, a state

where she is favored and where the votes of working-class whites will
again 
be closely watched.

For the most part, Obama campaign workers say, the 2008 election cycle has

been exhilarating. On the ground, the Obama campaign is being driven by 
youngsters, many of whom are imbued with an optimism undeterred by racial 
intolerance. "We've grown up in a different world," says Danielle Ross. 
Field offices are staffed by 20-somethings who hold positions -- state 
director, regional field director, field organizer -- that are typically
off 
limits to newcomers to presidential politics.

Gillian Bergeron, 23, was in charge of a five-county regional operation in

northeastern Pennsylvania. The oldest member of her team was 27. At 
Scranton's annual Saint Patrick's Day parade, some of the green Obama
signs 
distributed by staffers were burned along the parade route. That was the 
first signal that this wasn't exactly Obama country. There would be
others.


In a letter to the editor published in a local paper, Tunkhannock Borough 
Mayor Norm Ball explained his sup****t of Hillary Clinton this way: "Barack

Hussein Obama and all of his talk will do nothing for our country. There
is 
so much that people don't know about his upbringing in the Muslim world.
His 
stepfather was a radical Muslim and the ranting of his minister against
the 
white America, you can't convince me that some of that didn't rub off on 
him.

"No, I want a president that will salute our flag, and put their hand on
the 
Bible when they take the oath of office."

Obama's campaign workers have grown wearily accustomed to the lies about
the 
candidate's supposed radical Muslim ties and lack of patriotism. But they 
are sometimes astonished when public officials such as Ball or others 
representing the campaign of their opponent traffic in these falsehoods.

Karen Seifert, a volunteer from New York, was outside of the largest
polling 
location in Lackawanna County, Pa., on primary day when she was pressed by
a 
Clinton volunteer to explain her backing of Obama. "I trust him," Seifert 
replied. According to Seifert, the woman pointed to Obama's face on 
Seifert's T-****rt and said: "He's a half-breed and he's a Muslim. How can 
you trust that?"

Racial attitudes difficult to measure


Pollsters have found it difficult to accurately measure racial attitudes,
as 
some voters are unwilling to acknowledge the role that race plays in their

thinking. But some are not. Susan Dzimian, a Clinton sup****ter who owns 
residential properties, said outside a polling location in Kokomo that
race 
was a factor in how she viewed Obama. "I think if it was somebody other
than 
him, I'd accept it," she said of a black candidate. "If Colin Powell had 
run, I would be willing to accept him."

The previous evening, Dondra Ewing was driving the neighborhoods of
Kokomo, 
looking to turn around voters like Dzimian. Ewing, 47, is a chain-smoking 
middle school guidance counselor, a black single mother of two and one of 
the most fiercely vigilant Obama volunteers in Kokomo, which was once a Ku

Klux Klan stronghold. On July 4, 1923, Kokomo hosted the largest Klan 
gathering in history -- an estimated 200,000 followers flocked to a local 
park. But these are not the 1920s, and Ewing believes she can persuade 
anybody to back Obama. Her mother, after all, was the first African
American 
elected at-large to the school board in a community that is 10 percent 
black.

Kokomo, population 46,000, is another hard-hit Midwestern industrial town 
stung by layoffs. Longtimers wistfully remember the glory years of 
Continental Steel and speak mournfully about the jobs ****pped overseas. 
Kokomo Sanitary Pottery, which made bathroom sinks and toilets, shut down
a 
couple of months ago and took with it 150 jobs.

Aaron Roe, 23, was mowing lawns at a local cemetery recently, lamenting
his 
$8-an-hour job with no benefits. He had earned a community college degree
as 
an industrial electrician, but learned there was no electrical work to be 
found for someone with his experience, which is to say none. Politics
wasn't 
on his mind; frustration was. If he were to vote, it would not be for
Obama, 
he said. "I just got a funny feeling about him," Roe said, a feeling he 
couldn't specify, except to say race wasn't a part of it. "Race ain't 
nothing," said Roe, who is white. "It's how they're going to help the 
country."

People with funny feelings


The Aaron Roes are exactly who Dondra Ewing was after: people with funny 
feelings.

At the Bradford Run Apartments, she found Robert Cox, a retiree who spent
30 
years working for an electronics manufacturer making computer chips. He
was 
in his suspenders, grilling ****sh kebab, which he had never eaten. 
"Something new," Cox said, recommended by his son who was visiting from 
Colorado.

Ewing was selling him hard on Obama. "There are more than two families
that 
can run the United States of America," she said, "and their names aren't 
Bush and Clinton."

"Yeah, I know, I know," Cox said, remaining noncommittal.

He opened the grill and peeked at the kebabs. "It's not his race, because
I 
got real good friends and all that," Cox continued. "If anything would
keep 
him from getting elected, it would be his name. It might turn off some
older 
people."

Like him?

"No, older than me," said Cox, 66.

Ewing kept talking, until finally Cox said, "Probably Obama," when asked 
directly how he would vote.

As she walked away, Ewing said: "I think we got him."

But truthfully, she wasn't feeling so sure.

Staff writer Peter Slevin and polling analyst Jennifer Agiesta contributed

to this re****t.

© 2008 The Wa****ngton Post Company
 




 2 Posts in Topic:
What does it say about a candidate who has support from these pe
"d" <aa@[EMA  2008-05-13 11:38:08 
Re: What does it say about a candidate who has support from thes
orionca@[EMAIL PROTECTED]  2008-05-13 17:26:33 

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